Exclusive: CPEC Master Plan

Exclusive: CPEC Master Plan

Details from original documents laying out the 

CPEC long term plan are publicly disclosed for 

the first time.

• Plan eyes agriculture
• Large surveillance system for cities
• Visa-free entry for Chinese nationals

The floodgates are about to open. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif arrived in Beijing over the weekend to participate in the One Belt, One Road summit, and the top item on his agenda is to finalise the Long Term Plan (LTP) for the China-Pakistan Economic Corri­dor.

Dawn has acquired exclusive access to the original document, and for the first time its details are being publically disclosed here. The plan lays out in detail what Chinese intentions and priorities are in Pakistan for the next decade and a half, details that have not been discussed in public thus far.

For instance, thousands of acres of agricultural land will be leased out to Chinese enterprises to set up “demonstration projects” in areas ranging from seed varieties to irrigation technology. A full system of monitoring and surveillance will be built in cities from Peshawar to Karachi, with 24 hour video recordings on roads and busy marketplaces for law and order. A national fibreoptic backbone will be built for the country not only for internet traffic, but also terrestrial distribution of broadcast TV, which will cooperate with Chinese media in the “dissemination of Chinese culture”.

The plan envisages a deep and broad-based penetration of most sectors of Pakistan’s economy as well as its society by Chinese enterprises and culture. Its scope has no precedent in Pakistan’s history in terms of how far it opens up the domestic economy to participation by foreign enterprises. In some areas the plan seeks to build on a market presence already established by Chinese enterprises, eg Haier in household appliances, ChinaMobile and Huawei in telecommunications and ChinaMetallurgical Group Corporation (MCC) in mining and minerals.

In other cases, such as textiles and garments, cement and building materials, fertiliser and agricultural technologies (among others) it calls for building the infrastructure and a supporting policy environment to facilitate fresh entry. A key element in this is the creation of industrial parks, or special economic zones, which “must meet specified conditions, including availability of water…perfect infrastructure, sufficient supply of energy and the capacity of self service power”, according to the plan.

But the main thrust of the plan actually lies in agriculture, contrary to the image of CPEC as a massive industrial and transport undertaking, involving power plants and highways. The plan acquires its greatest specificity, and lays out the largest number of projects and plans for their facilitation, in agriculture.

Agriculture

For agriculture, the plan outlines an engagement that runs from one end of the supply chain all the way to the other. From provision of seeds and other inputs, like fertiliser, credit and pesticides, Chinese enterprises will also operate their own farms, processing facilities for fruits and vegetables and grain. Logistics companies will operate a large storage and transportation system for agrarian produce.

It identifies opportunities for entry by Chinese enterprises in the myriad dysfunctions that afflict Pakistan’s agriculture sector. For instance, “due to lack of cold-chain logistics and processing facilities, 50% of agricultural products go bad during harvesting and transport”, it notes.

Enterprises entering agriculture will be offered extraordinary levels of assistance from the Chinese government. They are encouraged to “[m]ake the most of the free capital and loans” from various ministries of the Chinese government as well as the China Development Bank. The plan also offers to maintain a mechanism that will “help Chinese agricultural enterprises to contact the senior representatives of the Government of Pakistan and China”.

The government of China will “actively strive to utilize the national special funds as the discount interest for the loans of agricultural foreign investment”. In the longer term the financial risk will be spread out, through “new types of financing such as consortium loans, joint private equity and joint debt issuance, raise funds via multiple channels and decentralise financing risks”.

The plan proposes to harness the work of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps to bring mechanization as well as scientific technique in livestock breeding, development of hybrid varieties and precision irrigation to Pakistan. It sees its main opportunity as helping the Kashgar Prefecture, a territory within the larger Xinjiang Autonomous Zone, which suffers from a poverty incidence of 50 per cent, and large distances that make it difficult to connect to larger markets in order to promote development. The prefecture’s total output in agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery amounted to just over $5 billion in 2012, and its population was less than 4 million in 2010, hardly a market with windfall gains for Pakistan.

However, for the Chinese, this is the main driving force behind investing in Pakistan’s agriculture, in addition to the many profitable opportunities that can open up for their enterprises from operating in the local market. The plan makes some reference to export of agriculture goods from the ports, but the bulk of its emphasis is focused on the opportunities for the Kashgar Prefecture and Xinjiang Production Corps, coupled with the opportunities for profitable engagement in the domestic market.

The plan discusses those engagements in considerable detail. Ten key areas for engagement are identified along with seventeen specific projects. They include the construction of one NPK fertilizer plant as a starting point “with an annual output of 800,000 tons”. Enterprises will be inducted to lease farm implements, like tractors, “efficient plant protection machinery, efficient energy saving pump equipment, precision fertilization drip irrigation equipment” and planting and harvesting machinery.

The plan shows great interest in the textiles industry in particular, but the interest is focused largely on yarn and coarse cloth.

Meat processing plants in Sukkur are planned with annual output of 200,000 tons per year, and two demonstration plants processing 200,000 tons of milk per year. In crops, demonstration projects of more than 6,500 acres will be set up for high yield seeds and irrigation, mostly in Punjab. In transport and storage, the plan aims to build “a nationwide logistics network, and enlarge the warehousing and distribution network between major cities of Pakistan” with a focus on grains, vegetables and fruits. Storage bases will be built first in Islamabad and Gwadar in the first phase, then Karachi, Lahore and another in Gwadar in the second phase, and between 2026-2030, Karachi, Lahore and Peshawar will each see another storage base.

Asadabad, Islamabad, Lahore and Gwadar will see a vegetable processing plant, with annual output of 20,000 tons, fruit juice and jam plant of 10,000 tons and grain processing of 1 million tons. A cotton processing plant is also planned initially, with output of 100,000 tons per year.

“We will impart advanced planting and breeding techniques to peasant households or farmers by means of land acquisition by the government, renting to China-invested enterprises and building planting and breeding bases” it says about the plan to source superior seeds.

In each field, Chinese enterprises will play the lead role. “China-invested enterprises will establish factories to produce fertilizers, pesticides, vaccines and feedstuffs” it says about the production of agricultural materials.

“China-invested enterprises will, in the form of joint ventures, shareholding or acquisition, cooperate with local enterprises of Pakistan to build a three-level warehousing system (purchase & storage warehouse, transit warehouse and port warehouse)” it says about warehousing.

One of the most intriguing chapters in the plan speaks of a long belt of coastal enjoyment industry that includes yacht wharfs, cruise homeports, nightlife, city parks, public squares, theaters, golf courses and spas, hot spring hotels and water sports.

Then it talks about trade. “We will actively embark on cultivating surrounding countries in order to improve import and export potential of Pakistani agricultural products and accelerate the trade of agricultural products. In the early stages, we will gradually create a favorable industry image and reputation for Pakistan by relying on domestic demand.”

In places the plan appears to be addressing investors in China. It says Chinese enterprises should seek “coordinated cooperation with Pakistani enterprises” and “maintain orderly competition and mutual coordination.” It advises them to make an effort “seeking for powerful strategic partners for bundling interest in Pakistan.”

As security measures, enterprises will be advised “to respect the religions and customs of the local people, treat people as equals and live in harmony”. They will also be advised to “increase local employment and contribute to local society by means of subcontracting and consortiums.” In the final sentence of the chapter on agriculture, the plan says the government of China will “[s]trengthen the safety cooperation with key countries, regions and international organizations, jointly prevent and crack down on terrorist acts that endanger the safety of Chinese overseas enterprises and their staff.”

Industry

For industry, the plan trifurcates the country into three zones: western and northwestern, central and southern. Each zone is marked to receive specific industries in designated industrial parks, of which only a few are actually mentioned. The western and northwestern zone, covering most of Balochistan and KP province, is marked for mineral extraction, with potential in chrome ore, “gold reserves hold a considerable potential, but are still at the exploration stage”, and diamonds. One big mineral product that the plan discusses is marble. Already, China is Pakistan’s largest buyer of processed marble, at almost 80,000 tons per year. The plan looks to set up 12 marble and granite processing sites in locations ranging from Gilgit and Kohistan in the north, to Khuzdar in the south.

The central zone is marked for textiles, household appliances and cement. Four separate locations are pointed out for future cement clusters: Daudkhel, Khushab, Esakhel and Mianwali. The case of cement is interesting, because the plan notes that Pakistan is surplus in cement capacity, then goes on to say that “in the future, there is a larger space of cooperation for China to invest in the cement process transformation”.

 “There is a plan to build a pilot safe city in Peshawar, which faces a fairly severe security situation in northwestern Pakistan”.

For the southern zone, the plan recommends that “Pakistan develop petrochemical, iron and steel, harbor industry, engineering machinery, trade processing and auto and auto parts (assembly)” due to the proximity of Karachi and its ports. This is the only part in the report where the auto industry is mentioned in any substantive way, which is a little surprising because the industry is one of the fastest growing in the country. The silence could be due to lack of interest on the part of the Chinese to acquire stakes, or to diplomatic prudence since the sector is, at the moment, entirely dominated by Japanese companies (Toyota, Honda and Suzuki).

Gwadar, also in the southern zone, “is positioned as the direct hinterland connecting Balochistan and Afghanistan.” As a CPEC entreport, the plan recommends that it be built into “a base of heavy and chemical industries, such as iron and steel/petrochemical”. It notes that “some Chinese enterprises have started investment and construction in Gwadar” taking advantage of its “superior geographical position and cheap shipping costs to import crude oil from the Middle East, iron ore and coking coal resources from South Africa and New Zealand” for onward supply to the local market “as well as South Asia and Middle East after processing at port.”

The plan shows great interest in the textiles industry in particular, but the interest is focused largely on yarn and coarse cloth. The reason, as the plan lays out, is that in Xinjiang the textile industry has already attained higher levels of productivity. Therefore, “China can make the most of the Pakistani market in cheap raw materials to develop the textiles & garments industry and help soak up surplus labor forces in Kashgar”. The ensuing strategy is described cryptically as the principle of “introducing foreign capital and establishing domestic connections as a crossover of West and East”.

Preferential policies will be necessary to attract enterprises to come to the newly built industrial parks envisioned under the plan. The areas where such preferences need to be extended are listed in the plan as “land, tax, logistics and services” as well as land price, “enterprise income tax, tariff reduction and exemption and sales tax rate.”

Fibreoptics and surveillance

One of the oldest priorities for the Chinese government since talks on CPEC began is fibreoptic connectivity between China and Pakistan. An MoU for such a link was signed in July 2013, at a time when CPEC appeared to be little more than a road link between Kashgar and Gwadar. But the plan reveals that the link goes far beyond a simple fibreoptic set up.

China has various reasons for wanting a terrestrial fibreoptic link with Pakistan, including its own limited number of submarine landing stations and international gateway exchanges which can serve as a bottleneck to future growth of internet traffic. This is especially true for the western provinces. “Moreover, China’s telecom services to Africa need to be transferred in Europe, so there is certain hidden danger of the overall security” says the plan. Pakistan has four submarine cables to handle its internet traffic, but only one landing station, which raises security risks as well.

So the plan envisages a terrestrial cable across the Khunjerab pass to Islamabad, and a submarine landing station in Gwadar, linked to Sukkur. From there, the backbone will link the two in Islamabad, as well as all major cities in Pakistan.

The expanded bandwidth that will open up will enable terrestrial broadcast of digital HD television, called Digital Television Terrestrial Multimedia Broadcasting (DTMB). This is envisioned as more than just a technological contribution. It is a “cultural transmission carrier. The future cooperation between Chinese and Pakistani media will be beneficial to disseminating Chinese culture in Pakistan, further enhancing mutual understanding between the two peoples and the traditional friendship between the two countries.” The plan says nothing about how the system will be used to control the content of broadcast media, nor does it say anything more about “the future cooperation between Chinese and Pakistani media”.

udging from their conversations with the government, it appears that the Pakistanis are pushing the Chinese to begin work on the Gwadar International Airport, whereas the Chinese are pushing for early completion of the Eastbay Expressway.

It also seeks to create an electronic monitoring and control system for the border in Khunjerab, as well as run a “safe cities” project. The safe city project will deploy explosive detectors and scanners to “cover major roads, case-prone areas and crowded places…in urban areas to conduct real-time monitoring and 24 hour video recording.” Signals gathered from the surveillance system will be transmitted to a command centre, but the plan says nothing about who will staff the command centre, what sort of signs they will look for, and who will provide the response.

“There is a plan to build a pilot safe city in Peshawar, which faces a fairly severe security situation in northwestern Pakistan” the plan says, following which the program will be extended to major cities such as Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi, hinting that the feeds will be shared eventually, and perhaps even recorded.

Tourism and recreation

One of the most intriguing chapters in the plan is the one that talks about the development of a “coastal tourism” industry. It speaks of a long belt of coastal enjoyment industry that includes yacht wharfs, cruise homeports, nightlife, city parks, public squares, theaters, golf courses and spas, hot spring hotels and water sports. The belt will run from Keti Bunder to Jiwani, the last habitation before the Iranian border. Then, somewhat disappointingly, it adds that “more work needs to be done” before this vision can be realized.

The plans are laid out in surprising detail. For instance, Gwadar will feature international cruise clubs that “provide marine tourists private rooms that would feel as though they were ‘living in the ocean’”. And just as the feeling sinks in, it goes on to say that “[f]or the development of coastal vacation products, Islamic culture, historical culture, folk culture and marine culture shall all be integrated.” Apparently more work needs to be done here too.

For Ormara, the plan recommends building “unique recreational activities” that would also encourage “the natural, exciting, participatory, sultry, and tempting characteristics” to come through. For Keti Bunder it recommends wildlife sanctuaries, an aquarium and a botanical garden. For Sonmiani, on the eastern edge of Karachi, “projects like a coastal beach, extended greenway, coastal villa, car camp, SPA, beach playground and a seafood street can be developed.”

It is an expansive vision that the plan lays out, and towards the end, it asks for the following: “Make the visa-free tourism possible with China to provide more convenient policy support for Chinese tourists to Pakistan.” There is no mention of a reciprocal arrangement for Pakistani nationals visiting China.

Finance and risk

In any plan, the question of financial resources is always crucial. The long term plan drawn up by the China Development Bank is at its sharpest when discussing Pakistan’s financial sector, government debt market, depth of commercial banking and the overall health of the financial system. It is at its most unsentimental when drawing up the risks faced by long term investments in Pakistan’s economy.

The chief risk the plan identifies is politics and security. “There are various factors affecting Pakistani politics, such as competing parties, religion, tribes, terrorists, and Western intervention” the authors write. “The security situation is the worst in recent years”. The next big risk, surprisingly, is inflation, which the plan says has averaged 11.6 per cent over the past 6 years. “A high inflation rate means a rise of project-related costs and a decline in profits.”

Efforts will be made, says the plan, to furnish “free and low interest loans to Pakistan” once the costs of the corridor begin to come in. But this is no free ride, it emphasizes. “Pakistan’s federal and involved local governments should also bear part of the responsibility for financing through issuing sovereign guarantee bonds, meanwhile protecting and improving the proportion and scale of the government funds invested in corridor construction in the financial budget.”

It asks for financial guarantees “to provide credit enhancement support for the financing of major infrastructure projects, enhance the financing capacity, and protect the interests of creditors.” Relying on the assessments of the IMF, World Bank and the ADB, it notes that Pakistan’s economy cannot absorb FDI much above $2 billion per year without giving rise to stresses in its economy. “It is recommended that China’s maximum annual direct investment in Pakistan should be around US$1 billion.” Likewise, it concludes that Pakistan’s ceiling for preferential loans should be $1 billion, and for non preferential loans no more than $1.5 billion per year.

It advises its own enterprises to take precautions to protect their own investments. “International business cooperation with Pakistan should be conducted mainly with the government as a support, the banks as intermediary agents and enterprises as the mainstay.” Nor is the growing engagement some sort of brotherly involvement. “The cooperation with Pakistan in the monetary and financial areas aims to serve China’s diplomatic strategy.”

The other big risk the plan refers to is exchange rate risk, after noting the severe weakness in Pakistan’s ability to earn foreign exchange. To mitigate this, the plan proposes tripling the size of the swap mechanism between the RMB and the Pakistani rupee to 30 billion Yuan, diversifying power purchase payments beyond the dollar into RMB and rupee basket, tapping the Hong Kong market for RMB bonds, and diversifying enterprise loans from a wide array of sources. The growing role of the RMB in Pakistan’s economy is a clearly stated objective of the measures proposed.

Conclusion

It is not clear how much of the plan will be earnestly followed up and how much is there simply to evince interest from the Pakistani side. In the areas of interest contained in the plan, it appears access to the full supply chain of the agrarian economy is a top priority for the Chinese. After that the capacity of the textile spinning sector to serve the raw material needs of Xinjiang, and the garment and value added sector to absorb Chinese technology is another priority.

Next is the growing domestic market, particularly in cement and household appliances, which receive detailed treatment in the plan. And lastly, through greater financial integration, the plan seeks to advance the internationalization of the RMB, as well as diversify the risks faced by Chinese enterprises entering Pakistan.

In some areas the plan seeks to build on a market presence already established by Chinese enterprises, eg Haier in household appliances, ChinaMobile and Huawei in telecommunications and China Metallurgical Group Corporation (MCC) in mining and minerals.

Gwadar receives passing mention as an economic prospect, mainly for its capacity to serve as a port of exit for minerals from Balochistan and Afghanistan, and as an entreport for wider trade in the greater Indian Ocean zone from South Africa to New Zealand. There is no mention of China’s external trade being routed through Gwadar. Judging from their conversations with the government, it appears that the Pakistanis are pushing the Chinese to begin work on the Gwadar International Airport, whereas the Chinese are pushing for early completion of the Eastbay Expressway.

But the entry of Chinese firms will not be limited to the CPEC framework alone, as the recent acquisition of the Pakistan Stock Exchange, and the impending acquisition of K Electric demonstrate. In fact, CPEC is only the opening of the door. What comes through once that door has been opened is difficult to forecast.

Courtesy:  Daily dawn

Wednesday, 29 March 2017

Exciting TEFL opportunity in Asia

This article is for English Students.

TEFL or Teaching English as a Foreign Language is an interesting career choice these days due to the increasing demand for learning English across the globe.

English has become the most important mode of communication these days on a global scale, creating huge demand for the language all across the globe. Hence the demand for English teachers has increased as well. The international chain of schools in different countries is hiring English teachers to impart quality education that can complement the global standard. It is not at all mandatory to have a TEFL certificate to find an English teaching job abroad, but it obviously is a great add-on. The certificate will increase the chance of getting an English teaching job as it will enhance the credibility of the applicant. One may pursue a Master’s Degree in TEFL from an authentic institution that will offer a globally recognized certificate on the successful completion of the course.

Asia has been the continent that has a huge demand for English teachers at every possible corner. The continent has a number of developing countries trying hard to participate in the global market with all their available resources. Communication plays an important role in the global market and English is the language for communication. Asia features amazing destinations for tourism and in order to boost tourism and attract more people across the globe, English has found great demand in that area as well. There are a number of English teaching jobs available all over in Asia with a demand for EFL teaching and a major chunk of aspiring teachers are interested to select this continent as a favorable option.

Japan is one of the most popular choices for EFL teaching as Japanese lifestyle is a major draw. EFL teaching in Japan is absolute fun. There are many beautiful places to visit in Japan and many exciting experiences awaiting visitors. The food culture in Japan is unique and has a robust fan following. Travelling on bullet train is a grand experience itself. The bullet train plays an important role in the economy of Japan. The country is well connected through bullet train that helps one to reach destination on time. The education system in Japan boasts of quality. Teaching experience in Japan is a learning experience followed by  a great salary package.

Thailand is another popular destination in Asia that features numbers of TEFL jobs. It has been a popular choice among all the TEFL job seekers. Teaching in an exciting destination like Thailand is always fun. Teaching in Thailand will give one endless opportunity to explore the amazing destinations and exclusive Thai food. One cannot simply miss out the opportunity of riding elephants and scuba diving in Thailand. There are a number of interesting places for scuba diving each featuring special attraction. People from different corner of the world go there for scuba diving and one can also experience something enticing. Thailand is also known for excellent rainforests. One can explore those forests on the back of a giant elephant. Thailand is the country known for amazing sea beaches. One can spend an amazing leisure time on the beach and restore some psychological refreshment.

South Korea is another interesting destination in Asia for TEFL opportunity. Teaching in South Korea can be absolute fun. While working as an EFL teacher in South Korea, one may experience a time that one will remember forever. One can take active part in winter festival that occurs during the month of January. It is called Sancheoneo Ice Festival. Undoubtedly, this is a grand experience to participate in it. This festival is all about ice fishing. During winter time, the Hwacheoncheon Stream freezes. People come here to catch fresh water fishes. They make a hole in the ice and start fishing. This festival includes a lot of patience, excitement, joy and moreover a fantastic experience. People who have no idea about fishing, they do not have to be only viewers in the festival. There is something for them as well. They can absolutely jump into the pool of icy water, which is filled with fishes for barehanded fishing game. The Gyeongbukgung Palace is another interesting place and huge historical attraction in Seoul, the capital of South Korea. One can visit this place during his or her stay in South Korea working as an EFL teacher.

Different Types of Titrations

This article is for the students of Chemistry & Chemical Studies.

Titration is a basic analytical method to determine the potency of any material. It is widely used in pharmaceutical and chemical industries.

The examination has a vital impact on an evaluation of any compound for its quality and amount. It helps us to hold a minded the quality, security of medications, sustenance, chemicals and additional noteworthy substances. Titration is one of the crucial methods for systematic science to evaluate concoction substances. It is a procedure of investigation wherein a matter beneath test is admissible to react with a distinguished compound in an answer in presence of a pointer.

There are different sorts of titration for divergent resolutions. Be that as it may, every one of them some regular practice. Through titration, the pointer indicates the end point i.e. it appears when the material under test has been completely responded with the investigating substitute. The blend added to guess is called titrant and the material underestimation is called titrant. The titrant is saved in a container while titrant is tossed down from a burette till the end point is accomplished. The main determination of titration is subjective and quantitative estimate a given material.

There are various sorts of titrations for examination of blends or materials. These strategies are beneficial, dynamic furthermore peaceful to accomplish. The methodologies are additionally reproducible through every one of the labs. They have alike necessities and outputs in the event that one trails a settled procedure. In light of strategy for titration: They are three sorts of titration built on the method utilized as a part of the technique of different types of titration. The three sorts contain the following:

1. Coordinate titration: As the term determines, it is essential titration. A recognized amount of titrant is added from burets to a titrant analyzer involved in a cup. Here one fixing is analyzed for its amount by an extra substance of perceived volume and thought.
2. In-direct titration: Academically it is changing a material into a corrosive and looking at with a base. This is a method incited to utilize titration for non-promptly unstable substances. A material can be faintly acidic thus it doesn't authentication for correct investigation by direct titration. So first that material is synthetically changed to be additional unpredictable in acidic or fundamental kind and afterward analyzed by including a titrant.
3. Back titration: This technique is likewise suitable for pitifully unstable or non-unpredictable material gauge. Here a fixing is allowed to respond with a surplus and recognized the amount of a base or a corrosive. The rest of base or corrosive is unsurprising by a perceived amount of corrosive or base responsively. It is referred to as back titration as we are approximating a substance which was further included by us. In light of the way of solvents and concoction response: The titrations can likewise be arranged in light of nature of diluents utilized. In light of the dissolvable utilized, they can be ordered as fluid and non-watery sorts.

Extra in light of the way of concoction response they are arranged as below:

1. Fluid titrations: Corrosive base titrations. An obscure representation of corrosive is evaluated with a perceived amount base or bad habit verse. The conclusion result achieves unbiased point at pH-7 and much of the time salt is formed.
2. Redox titrations: The entire name is oxidation-lessening titration. Here a lessening specialist is allowed to respond with an oxidizing operator till end point. The normal oxidizing operators utilized are Potassium permanganate, bromine, cerium and so on.
3. Complex metric titrations: As the name assigns, the end point is appearing by a foundation of a perplexing particle. Here titrant responds to shape a complex till end point is accomplished. When complex is framed, the complex is relentless and not extra response happens. The response relies on the chelating operator's ability to shape multifaceted with the analyzer under test. The case of the chelate is ethylene tetra-acidic corrosive sodium salt.

How To Prepare For Job And Importance Of Current Affairs

This article is for those students who are the applicants of various jobs and preparing for the test and interview and also for those who are in search of jobs.

To prepare for the interview aspirant can appear in mock interview session, so that they are well versed with the procedure, do and don’ts. Moreover, there are various resources available online to improve oneself.

Government jobs have always been in huge demand in our country, mostly because of a steady career path, job security, less stress and respect. With this amount of demand also comes very tough competition. One has to prepare with agreat amount of dedication and persistence.

Government job preparation can be made relatively easier by doing smart work in combination with hard work.

There are various options available in various departments, aspirants should first determine their field of interest- determining interest is the first step in order to achieve success.

Aspirants should focus on the basics, skills, strength and weaknesses, this help in the better analysis of oneself.

Once the aspirant is sure about his interest and skills, a proper research should be put up in order to explore more about the field, future options, growth opportunities etc.

There are various exams conducted for such jobs, both at the state level as well as national level.

The aspirant should also consider the desired location to work, and about the transfer opportunities.

Next, theaspirant should focus on the exam pattern, there are many exams happening around the country, analysing the exam pattern is very essential.

Properly analysing the exam pattern gives an edge over other people, the aspirant should also refer to old exam papers for the exam, the help in determining the level of exam paper and frequently asked topics.

The selection procedure usually consists of one or two written exams, and an interview following it, final merit list is presentedusually by giving weightage to all scores.

During the preparation time, the aspirant should follow a proper time table.Also, a timeline should be decided to finish off the preparation so that enough time is left for the revision. Revision is important to increase the retention of knowledge.

Current affairs for govt job is a very important part, not only it helps for the written exam but also for the interview.

Interviews mainly test communication skills, general knowledge, and current affairs awareness.

Current affairs section isn’t just about events happened recently, it consists of all incidents happening around us, current affairs can be easy scoring if proper preparation is done.

Current affairs need continues preparation, aspirants should regularly read the entire newspaper, also notes can be taken about important events for quick revision later.Also, there are various website and forums available on the internet which regularly updates about various current affairs topics.

The aspirant should also work on one's communication skills. The speaking should be loud and clear, selection and usage of the words should be proper. One should also take care of confidence level, both lack of confidence and over confidence are harmful. Also During the interview, the candidate should be dressed properly, preferably in formals and soothing colour.

Tuesday, 28 March 2017

Foreign Policy Of Pakistan

This article is for the students of Pak. Studies & Pak. Affairs.

Introduction
No country today can think of a life independent of other nations. Every country has to develop relations with other countries so as to meet its requirements in economical, industrial and technological fields. It is thus necessary for every country to formulate a sound foreign policy. Pakistan is an important third world country, in its developmental stage. It also has formulated her foreign policy keeping in mind its geography, politics and economics.

Definition of Foreign Policy
Foreign Policy can be defined as
Relations between sovereign states. It is a reflection of domestic politics and an interaction among sovereign states. It indicates the principles and preferences on which a country wants to establish relations with another country
Pakistan's Foreign Policy in Light of Quaid-e-Azam's Words
The father of the nation, Quaid-e-Azam defined Foreign Policy towards other countries of the world in 1948, as follows

Our Foreign Policy is one of friendliness and good-will towards all the nations of the world. We do not cherish aggressive designs against any country or nation. We believe in the policy of honesty and fair play in national and international dealings and are prepared to make our utmost contribution to the promotion of peace and prosperity among the nations of the world. Pakistan will never be found lacking in extending its material and moral support to the oppressed and suppressed peoples of the world and in upholding the principles of the United Nations Charter

Basic Goals of Pakistan's Foreign Policy

1. Maintenance of territorial integrity.

2. Maintenance of its political independence.

3. Acceleration of social and economic development.

4. Strengthening its place on the globe.

5. Keeping cordial and friendly relations with all countries.

Guiding Principles of Pakistan's Foreign Policy

Following are the basic principles of Pakistan's Foreign Policy

1. Protection of Freedom and Sovereignity
Pakistan came into being after great sacrifices of million of Muslims. Like any other country, she also considers with deep regard the need for preservation of its independence and does not allow any country to harm its freedom. Therefore, the principle of protection of independence and sovereignity is the corner stone of Pakistan's Foreign Policy.
2. Cordial Relations with Muslim Countries

Pakistan always tries to establish cordial and friendly relations with Muslim countries. It has always moved its concern against Israel, India and U.S.S.R capturing Palestine, Kashmir and Afghanistan respectively. She has shouldered high responsibilities and used her influence for safeguarding the rights of the Muslims. Pakistan is also an active member of the Islamic Conference.

3. Non-Interference in Internal Affairs of Other Countries

Pakistan has sought to establish normal and friendly relations with all countries especially in neighbouring countries, on the basis of universally acknowledge the principle of national sovereignity, non use of force, non-interference in the internal affairs of states.

4. Implementation of U.N Charter

Pakistan's policy is to act upon UN charter and to support all moves by the UN to implement it. Pakistan has been the member of UN since the year of its birth.

5. Promotion of World Peace

Pakistan's policy is to promote peace among nations. It has no aggressive designs against any country. Neither does it support any such action. Pakistan has always held that the international disputes should be settled through negotiations rather than non-battlefield.

6. Non-Alignment

Pakistan follows the policy of Non-Alignment i.e. to keep away from alignment with any big power bloc, and avoids taking sides in the cold war. It has also given up its association with SEATO and CENTO and was included in NAM in 1979.

7. Support for Self-Determination and Condemnation of Racial Discrimination

Pakistan is a stomach supporter of the right of self-determination and has been in the fore front of efforts to eliminate colonialism and racism. It has advocated the right of self-determination of Kashmir.

8. Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament

Pakistan is deeply conscious of the fact that international peace and security cannot be achieved and sustained in the world with arms. Disarmament is the imperative condition for truly durable peace in the world. Pakistan has a vital stake in promotion of disarmament both in the nuclear and conventional fields. It is included in the principles of its foreign policy that a collective endeavour by countries at the regional level to promote disarmament and enhance security at the lowest possible level of armaments is an indispensable result to their advocacy of global disarmament.

9. Member of International Organization

Pakistan had become the member of the British Commonwealth with the time of its establishment. In addition it is the member of United Nations (U.N), Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC), Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO), South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC), Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), and D-Eight. Being a member of International Organizations the objectives of Pakistan are to struggle for world peace, to unify the Muslim countries and to promote regional co-operation.
Conclusion
The guiding principles of Pakistan's Foreign Policy are rooted in the country's Islamic ideology, its rich cultural heritage and historical experience. As an Islamic and non-aligned country, Pakistan supports Islamic causes and firmly upholds the above mentioned principles, which hold out the promise of a just and equitable world order in which nations can live in peace and security.
Courtesy by CSSforum.

Economic Situation Of Pakistan

This article is for the students of sociology and economic studies.

Pakistan’s economic success is being told more frequently and widely. A spate of recent articles in the Western media has rightfully heralded the country’s significant progress, finally giving Pakistan some good press.

This is a fortunate turn and may be the ascent towards a new ‘normal’.

The megatrends of the international economy are in Pakistan’s favour. Three of the world’s four largest economies by 2050 will be in Asia—with China and India neighbouring Pakistan and the third Muslim-majority Indonesia, a geographic stone’s throw away—marking a civilisational shift of economic activity, a return to the pre-colonial historical and natural economic order right at Pakistan’s doorstep.

As Beijing seeks to project its economic dominance towards the growing markets of Africa and the Arab world—in the form of a ‘new silk road’—Pakistani geography is indispensable.

In shortening China’s path westwards, providing it with a rapid overland route into the strategic Arabian Sea and towards the 400 million people living in East Africa, Pakistan will sit at the heart of international business for the foreseeable future.

However, any Pakistani prosperity is dependent on the favourable fates of geography being coupled by a domestic reform process.

So while Pakistan must seize Asia’s geopolitical dividend and embrace it, this must not dilute a simple truth: Pakistan can only become prosperous if it changes from within.

After all, is steady 5% growth the objective, or is Pakistan in pursuit of an economic miracle, tripling its GDP in a decade and lifting tens of millions out of poverty in a single generation?

If the latter isn’t the objective, it certainly should be; Pakistan must ultimately see itself as the destination of the next economic miracle, not just a conduit of others’ prosperity.

So as growth slows in China, as India struggles with a lack of federal-state cohesion, and as Mexico wrestles with the Trump Administration, there is an opportunity for Pakistan to seize the moment and grind its way into becoming a major industrial power – by tapping into its people.

Pakistan needs to have a genuine belief in its people and enable them to be the drivers of the nation’s prosperity—not merely vassals of foreign companies planting sweatshops to fill the lowest rung of the global value chain. Awakening a nascent Pakistani industry ought to be the country’s pathway into the future, providing goods for both a growing domestic market and tapping into the markets of Central Asia, the Middle East and a burgeoning Africa.

For example, the country’s automotive and truck industries are growing, but nowhere near their potential, considering Pakistan’s size and strategic location.

Protections for existing Japanese carmakers must be lifted. They must be willing to compete by innovating and ramping up quality if they are to survive the competition. The Auto Industry Development Policy’s early fruits of bringing Hyundai, Kia, Renault and MAN SE are a sign that industry is responsive to bold Pakistani reform when it happens.

If supported by further competition and innovation, more efficient production lines and favourable policy conditions, Pakistan will have a productive ecosystem that can splinter off broader and deeper gains across the industrial economy.

Just as the Asian Tigers did in the 70s, Brazil did in the 80s, China did in the 90s, and Turkey did in the 2000s, such ‘miracles’ necessitate bold moves to align the country’s standards with global expectations.

The first place where Pakistan needs to lift its game is skilled labour and education. Without them, the requisite know-how for innovation and development is limited and rapid industrialisation is impossible.

And due to decades of meagre budgets and abundant mismanagement, the results show: Pakistan lacks a single university in the world’s top 500 (QS World University Rankings 2016-2017) and ranks 124th, out of 138 countries, for its higher education and training quality according to the World Economic Forum (WEF).

This weakness is systemic and starts from the earliest years: Pakistan has 46.5 pupils per teacher, the worst ratio of any country in Asia (UNESCAP, 2014). For comparison, Indonesia has 16.5 pupils per teacher while Sri Lanka is at 23.6.

With such poor outcomes and indicators, the upside is that low-hanging fruits abound.

Government investment in education and private sector solutions must be encouraged. A consortium recently formed to undertake applied research in China-Pakistan Economic Corridor’s industrial zones, combined with a memorandum of understanding between edX and the Information Technology University, are small but promising moves.

If replicated on a larger level, space can be created for universities to spin off the IT, advanced electronic and manufacturing companies and champions of the future that can underpin an economic ‘miracle’.

Beyond the human capital, Pakistan’s current infrastructure ‘obsession’ also needs to be pushed even further. In tying the country together with CPEC and adding up to 12,000 megawatts towards rectifying Pakistan’s energy woes—which has perhaps been the country’s biggest drag on growth over the past decade—recent progress has been impressive.

But more is needed. In particular, the country’s massive gaps in digital infrastructure need immediate prioritisation. With an internet penetration rate of just 18%, and an average internet speed of 2.5 Mbps, Pakistan lags a generation behind the rest of the world.

Facilitating e-commerce and online education would go a long way to dealing with Pakistan’s legacy problems. If the country is to witness an industrial surge and nimble entrepreneurial business activity, quality internet access must be a top priority.

Finally, Pakistan must seek socio-political maturity. The country cannot afford reckless politics if it wants to put itself on the global economic map. If terrorism and security concerns were not enough of an economic obstacle, then shambolic political stunts and personalised dog-whistle politics only compound the challenge.

Voters and media need to prioritise national development as the primary issue and punish elected officials who show neither economic competence nor interest. Furthermore, instead of fostering a loyalty to a party and leader, the Pakistani electorate should develop a hawkish fixation with economic data and outcomes.

Much as China puts targets for its provinces and local governments; thus, setting a reference standard by which success and failure is measured, Pakistan must develop a culture of accountability and reward for economic performance.

Simply put, an obsessive culture of economic excellence and accountability must be revived right across the country if Pakistan is to unleash its full potential.

Pakistan, certainly, can seize the moment.
Edited by: Educators-inn.blogspot.com

History Of Indo-Pak Relations

This article is for the students of Pak Studies and History.

The conflict between India and Pakistan originated as a clash between Indian and Muslim nationalism during British colonial rule. The relations between Pakistan and India are characterizes by periodic ups and downs.

Throughout 1949-51, there was no direct military conflict between two dominions and several meetings, conferences and agreements were signed on different questions which were prevailing in the initial important years of independence.

 Major crisis between Pakistan and India in 1949-51 were legitimate and were under consideration throughout these years.

 There are number of conflicting issues between India and Pakistan but Kashmir is the core issue that has decisively led to the worsening of their relationship. The disputed Kashmir State has assumed much strategic importance for both countries and has become the cause of arms race between them. Throughout these three years, a number of series of direct and indirect talks have been held between India and Pakistan to normalize the relationship for seeking a just solution of Kashmir dispute but every attempt has failed primarily due to Indian indifferent approach towards the issue.

 The war on Kashmir which had started earlier, ended on 1 January 1949, with the establishment of a ceasefire line through a resolution by Security Council. The status of the territory remained in dispute because an agreed referendum to confirm the accession was never held. The cease-fire has remained in existence since 1949. No plebiscite has been held and thus the Kashmir issue still remains disputed and unresolved.

At the time of independence, many communal riots broke out in different areas of India and Pakistan. These riots had a great impact on the status of minorities in the two nations. Due to brutal killings by the majority community, a huge number of Muslims migrated from India, and Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan. Yet, the mass migration failed to solve the minority problem. Even after the migration, almost half of the Muslims living in the Sub-continent were left in India and a great number of Hindus in Pakistan. Those who were left behind were unable to become an integral part of the societies they were living in. The people and government of their countries looked upon them as suspects. In this critical situation, Prime Minister of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan urged to reach a solution to the problem. He also proposed a meeting with his Indian counterpart to determine how to put an end to the communal riots and the fear of war.

The two Prime Ministers met in Delhi on April 2, 1950, and discussed the matter in detail. On April 8, the two leaders signed an agreement, which was later entitled as Liaquat-Nehru Pact. This pact provided a ‘bill of rights’ for the minorities of India and Pakistan. Its aim was to address the following three issues:
1. To alleviate the fears of the religious minorities on both sides.
2. To promote communal peace.
3. To create an atmosphere in which the two countries could resolve their other differences.

The most important of Indo-Pakistan disputes was the question of sharing the waters of the Indus basin.  On April 1, 1948, India cut off the supply of water from the two headwork’s under her control. This dispute was existing till a solution acceptable to both governments was agreed upon in 1960 at the Indus Basin Development Fund Agreement at Karachi. This treaty is commonly known as the “Indus Water Treaty”.

 Despite the 1947-1948 war in Kashmir, propaganda campaigns against each other and non resolution of bilateral problems that led India and Pakistan to oppose each other at the regional and international levels on a number of issues.

Time period between1949-51 was consisted of diplomatic constrains and both the countries had tried to resolve their differences by avoiding any military conflicts but the relations over Kashmir question remained less flexible and  stiff.

History Of Kashmir Issue

This article is for the students of History and Pak. Studies.

The Kashmir dispute dates from 1947. The partition of the Indian sub-continent along religious lines led to the formation of India and Pakistan. However, there remained the problem of over 650 states, run by princes, existing within the two newly independent countries.

In theory, these princely states had the option of deciding which country to join, or of remaining independent. In practice, the restive population of each province proved decisive.

The people had been fighting for freedom from British rule, and with their struggle about to bear fruit they were not willing to let the princes fill the vacuum.

Although many princes wanted to be "independent" (which would have meant hereditary monarchies and no hope for democracy) they had to succumb to their people's protests which turned violent in many provinces.

Because of its location, Kashmir could choose to join either India or Pakistan. Maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of Kashmir, was Hindu while most of his subjects were Muslim. Unable to decide which nation Kashmir should join, Hari Singh chose to remain neutral.

But his hopes of remaining independent were dashed in October 1947, as Pakistan sent in Muslim tribesmen who were knocking at the gates of the capital Srinagar.

Hari Singh appealed to the Indian government for military assistance and fled to India. He signed the Instrument of Accession, ceding Kashmir to India on October 26.

Indian and Pakistani forces thus fought their first war over Kashmir in 1947-48. India referred the dispute to the United Nations on 1 January. In a resolution dated August 13, 1948, the UN asked Pakistan to remove its troops, after which India was also to withdraw the bulk of its forces.

Once this happened, a "free and fair" plebiscite was to be held to allow the Kashmiri people to decide their future.

India, having taken the issue to the UN, was confident of winning a plebiscite, since the most influential Kashmiri mass leader, Sheikh Abdullah, was firmly on its side. An emergency government was formed on October 30, 1948 with Sheikh Abdullah as the Prime Minister.

Pakistan ignored the UN mandate and continued fighting, holding on to the portion of Kashmir under its control. On January 1, 1949, a ceasefire was agreed, with 65 per cent of the territory under Indian control and the remainder with Pakistan.

The ceasefire was intended to be temporary but the Line of Control remains the de facto border between the two countries.

In 1957, Kashmir was formally incorporated into the Indian Union. It was granted a special status under Article 370 of India's constitution, which ensures, among other things, that non-Kashmiri Indians cannot buy property there.

Fighting broke out again in 1965, but a ceasefire was established that September. Indian Prime Minister, Lal Bhadur Shastri, and Pakistani President, M Ayub Khan, signed the Tashkent agreement on January 1, 1966.

They resolved to try to end the dispute, but the death of Mr Shastri and the rise of Gen Yahya Khan in Pakistan resulted in stalemate.

In 1971a third war, resulting in the formation of the independent nation of Bangladesh (formerly known as East Pakistan). A war had broken out in East Pakistan in March 1971, and soon India was faced with a million refugees.

India declared war on December 3, 1971 after Pakistani Air Force planes struck Indian airfields in the Western sector.

Two weeks later, the Indian army marched into Dhaka and the Pakistanis surrendered. In the Western sector the Indians managed to blockade the port city of Karachi and were 50 km into Pakistani territory when a ceasefire was reached.

In 1972 Indira Gandhi, the Indian prime minister, and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, her Pakistani opposite number (and father of Benazir Bhutto, a later Pakistani premier), signed the Simla Agreement, which reiterated the promises made in Tashkent.

The two sides once again agreed to resolve the issue peacefully, as domestic issues dominated.

Both India and Pakistan had other important domestic problems which kept Kashmir on the back-burner. In 1975 Indira Gandhi declared a state of national emergency, but she was defeated in the 1978 general elections.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was overthrown and hanged in 1977; Pakistan reverted to military dictatorship under Gen Zia ul Haq.

The balance of influence had decisively tilted in Pakistan's favour by the late 1980s, with people's sympathy no longer with the Indian union as it had been in 1947-48 and 1965.

Mrs Gandhi's attempts to install puppet governments in state capitals, manipulating the democratic process in the state legislatures, deeply angered the Kashmiris.

The status quo was largely maintained until 1989 when pro-independence and pro-Pakistan guerrillas struck in the Indian Kashmir valley. They established a reign of terror and drove out almost all the Hindus from the valley before the Indian army moved in to flush them out. Meanwhile Indian and Pakistani troops regularly exchanged fire at the border.

Whereas in 1948 India took the Kashmir issue to the UN and was all for a plebiscite, by the 1990s it hid behind the Simla agreement and thwarted any attempts at UN or third-party mediation.

Over the decades the plebiscite advocated by India's great statesman Jawaharlal Nehru became a dirty word in New Delhi. These developments have led many to believe that Delhi has squandered the Kashmiri people's trust and allegiance.

India and Pakistan both tested nuclear devices in May 1998, and then in April 1999 test-fired missiles in efforts to perfect delivery systems for their nuclear weapons. Pakistan tested its Ghauri II missile four days after India's testing of its long-range (1,250 km) Agni II.

Although Pakistan claims that its missiles are an indigenous effort, in July 1999 Indian customs agents seized components shipped from North Korea which they claim were destined for Pakistan's missile programme.

Pakistan's later intermediate-range Ghauri III missile has a range of about 3,000 km.

When the Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, set out to Lahore by bus on February 20, 1999, inaugurating the four times a week Delhi-Lahore-Delhi bus service, the world felt that such a genuine effort at friendly neighbourhood relations would lower the tension along the Line of Control in Kashmir.

But, all hopes of diplomacy disappeared once the cross-LOC firing in Kargil began during the mid-1990s. The death toll , including both soldiers and civilians, was more than 30,000.

In the first week of August 1998 Indian and Pakistani troops exchanged artillery fire, described by locals as heavier than that of the 1948 and 1965 wars put together. An estimated 50,000 rounds of ammunition were expended and a large number of soldiers and civilians killed.

In the summer of 1999 hostility in Kargil went far beyond the now familiar annual exhange of artillery fire.

When India began patrolling the Kargil heights that summer, it found to its horror that many key posts vacated in the winter were occupied by infiltrators. A patrol was ambushed in the first week of May 1999. India belatedly realised the magnitude of the occupation - which was around 10 km deep and spanned almost 100 km of the LOC - and sent MiG fighters into action on May 26.

India contended that the infiltrators were trained and armed by Pakistan, and based in "Azad Kashmir" with the full knowledge of the Pakistani government - and that Afghan and other foreign mercenaries accompanied them.

Pakistan insisted that those involved were freedom fighters from Kashmir and that it was giving only moral support.

India ordered the jets not to stray into Pakistani territory; but those that did were shot down.

The conflict ended only after Bill Clinton, the US President, and Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan's Prime minister, met in Washington on July 4, 1999.

Meanwhile, the Indian Army had made significant advances, capturing vital territory on July 4. Despite the apparent efforts to mediate, the US maintained that it was not interfering in what India still claims to be a bilateral issue.

Pakistan withdrew its forces later that month. However, skirmishing continued, and in August India shot down a Pakistani reconnaissance plane, killing 16.

The official number of Indian troops lost in Kargil was around 500, with almost double that number of "infiltrators" killed. Nevertheless, India did not declare war against Pakistan - instead, Mr Vajpayee ambigously announced a "war-like situation".

Yet this, by all accounts of soldiers and top Indian army officers involved, was a war in which India lost men engaged in hand-to-hand combat with Pakistani soldiers in the heights of Kargil - a war that could be compared with the one of 1948-49, which was limited to Kashmir, with the other border regions remaining peaceful.

Thus in 1999, in a war limited to one sector, India suffered casualities within its own territory. Despite much pressure from the military and the public, the government decided not to cross the LOC. Pakistan too suffered criticism at home for limiting its war to artillery fire across the LOC and shooting down Indian aircraft.

The fear of a full-scale war (with nuclear capability adding a deadly dimension), coupled with precarious economies and the knowledge of what international sanctions could do to them, may have prevailed in both countries.
Edited by: Educators-inn.blogspot.com

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